
30 March 2004
Rep. Tom Lantos on Halting the Nuclear Black Market
Op-ed by ranking Democrat on House International Relations Committee
(This column by Representative Tom Lantos, who is the ranking
Democrat on the House International Relations Committee, was published
in the San Francisco Chronicle March 30 and is in the public domain.
No republication restrictions.)
(begin byliner)
Halting The Nuclear Black Market
Tom Lantos
Globalization and the Cold War's end have given rise to a nuclear
black market with chilling implications for the future of arms
control. Rogue nations and terrorist groups have greater access
to the makings of a radioactive "dirty bomb," or even
a nuclear device, than ever before.
In the most recent example of this alarming trend, Pakistan's
senior bomb-maker was recently found to have linked companies and
banks in Europe, Asia and the Middle East that provided high-tech
equipment and financing for nuclear weapons programs in Libya,
Iran and North Korea, and perhaps others.
The main document governing how countries handle these issues,
the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, was never expected to address
such a dispersed network. To convince states to fore-swear nuclear
weapons -- while letting the United States, Britain, France, Russia
and China, in the midst of the Cold War, keep theirs -- the treaty
codified the right of non-nuclear states to receive and develop
the means for peaceful applications of nuclear energy, such as
medicine, agriculture and the creation of power. Under this guise,
countries can develop or import essentially all the equipment they
need to produce a nuclear weapon. Such countries do not even have
to reveal the existence of these facilities or let inspectors visit
them until they are ready to begin operation.
This freedom to obtain equipment and facilities without transparency
means that the system relies only on the discretion of the supplier.
A number of countries have been somewhat reluctant to sell to rogue
countries any equipment that could be used to develop a nuclear
capability. But Iran, Libya and North Korea were able to import
all manner of sophisticated equipment from new, essentially private
suppliers.
The United States, with outside assistance, is now attempting
to shut down this supplier network, but new suppliers may come
along if the international community does not act immediately.
Strong economic and diplomatic action must be taken against countries
such as Iran, even if it means additional costs and lost investment
opportunities. Such actions have been proven effective: After years
of sanctions and U.S. leadership, Libya has given up its weapons
of mass destruction, including a significant nuclear program.
Until recently, I was one of the leading proponents of sanctions
against Libya; earlier this year, I learned firsthand what a key
role international pressure played in the sea change Libyan leader
Moammar Khadafy made. In meetings with him and members of his government
earlier this year, it became clear that Khadafy decided Libya could
better assure its security through a positive relationship with
the United States and the West than with a risky and costly policy
of developing weapons of mass destruction. Libya's leaders also
told me that their nation faces growing economic difficulties that
can be resolved only by redirecting resources into development,
integrating closely into the world economy and seeing sanctions
ended. If the leadership of other countries, such as Iran, reaches
the same conclusion, it will be a great boon to the cause of nonproliferation.
I have just introduced a bill that makes it clear that Iran, as
a state abusing its access to the means of peaceful nuclear development,
has forfeited the right to produce nuclear material for reactors
and must be deprived of new nuclear-related trade, investment and
trade agreements until it permanently and verifiably ceases all
suspect nuclear activities and dismantles any fuel-production facilities.
Furthermore, U.S. nuclear trade sanctions law must be amended to
meet these new challenges. Existing law targets governments for
illicit nuclear trade, not private individuals, banks or corporations.
I will soon introduce the Nuclear Black Market Elimination Act,
which would empower the president to halt all U.S. business and
financial transactions with any individual or company that engages
in black-market nuclear trade and would require the president to
inform Congress of foreign companies that undercut U.S. sanctions.
The technology to produce nuclear weapons has become too dispersed
among too many nations to rely solely on Cold War-era approaches.
All countries -- those implicated in the black market, those seeking
to protect and extend investment in Iran despite its nuclear activities,
and the United States -- must now exercise responsibility for their
own and their citizens' activities that may support, materially
or politically, the creation of more nuclear weapons.
(Rep. Tom Lantos, D-San Francisco and San Mateo counties, is the
ranking Democrat on the House International Relations Committee,
which is conducting a hearing March 30 on nonproliferation.)
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